| 80th
Annual General Meeting February 15-16,
2008
Address by Shri Kapil Sibal, Hon'ble
Union Minister for Science
and Technology and Earth Sciences
Mr. Khorakiwala, President, FICCI,
Dr. Amit Mitra,
Dr. Ghosh,
Ashwin Shroff,
Distinguished members of the audience, excellencies,
All this is too much! We are to do a job and we just
did the job! That is all that was done!
One day of course, this story will have to be told of
what really happened. Let me just go to the substance
of the matter. As Ghosh told, there are four building
blocks to climate change, which are the building blocks
that are the foundation of the UN's Framework Convention
on Climate Change; the four building blocks are mitigation,
adaptation, S&T and finance. Why are these four?
Under the UNFCCC, the responsibility of mitigation,
that is, reduction of GHG, devolves upon the developed
world, reflected in Annex-I. As far as adaptation, S&T
and finance is concerned, that applies to the developing
world. In other words, the developing world is not obligated
for any mitigation measures, under UNFCCC. In other
words, we are not obliged to reduce our GHG emissions.
For us, we have to meet the challenges of adaptation,
of the ill-effects of climate change and global warming.
For that, we need technology and we need finance.
So, the architecture of the framework convention was
this. Under the Kyoto Protocol, there was a commitment
of the developed world - that they were obligated to
reduce their GHG emissions at 5% below the 1990 levels.
In the course of the negotiations, a working group was
set up, called the adhoc working group which had to
indicate as to what would be the road map, post-2012,
and what would be the levels of reduction of emissions
or mitigation measures by the developed world, namely
the Annex-I countries, post-2012. Between 2008-2012,
under Kyoto, the mitigation measures were to be achieved
with reference to the commitments which were 5% below
the 1990 levels of emission. This is broadly what these
negotiations were all about.
Then came the 4th assessment report of the inter-governmental
panel on climate change. The Western world decided that
this was an ideal opportunity to change the framework
of negotiations. So, they started the conference by
saying that the IPCC report has come; this has now resulted
in a sea-change from what was happening in Kyoto and
post-Kyoto; we are confronted with an enormously emergent
situation and we need to deal with the situation now
and so, we need an entirely new framework. So, all the
Western countries decided that the roadmap set up by
the Framework Convention and Kyoto must be changed.
Because there are two emerging economies of the world,
namely China and India, it is necessary for China and
India to also make quantified commitments on reduction
of emissions under the new agreement. Because even if
they were to comply with Kyoto, it would not change
the ill-effects of emissions because of the two emerging
economies. So, the whole Conference started in this
environment and speaker after speaker sought to change
the agenda. So, our first task was to say no, you cannot
change the rules of the game. That was our first task.
I intervened and we started off by saying that we really
appreciate the concern that the Western world is showing
for the ill-effects of climate change; and we are really
obliged by the extent of sensitivity that they have
shown. We would have thought that with the 4th assessment
report of the IPCC, the Western world will come openly
and say that our commitments under the Kyoto were not
enough, we should do much more than that. This is an
occasion for the Western world, not to change the rules
of the game, but to show - consistent with their sensitivity
- larger measures of commitment. This was then the nature
of the debate that went on.
The greatest victory at Bali is that we did not allow
the rules of the game to the changed! That is one part.
The second part, which is also very interesting was
that the European Union and the US were on one objective,
namely, to get China and India on the table, for reduction
of emissions and mitigation measures. On this, they
were one. Our task was to some how ensure that there
is a rift between the EU and the US. Otherwise, we would
not have succeeded. I would not give you the details;
it so happened that the G-77 countries got together,
and China got together and said - they asked me, please
you may negotiate on behalf of the G-77. So, it was
Australia, the President of the EU, Portugal and the
USA on the one side and myself on the other. The EU
and the US were together on this. The negotiations started
by the US representative, James Connoten telling me
that we are wanting to come on the table, but if we
only come on the table it may not serve the purpose,
and if China and India also agree to come on the table,
it would be better. The EU said that it was very reasonable.
After all, this is for the first time that the US itself
is saying that it is going to be a part of the negotiation
and it is going to commit itself for mitigation measures;
unless the US comes on the table, you are not going
to get any results on the climate change because the
US pollution levels are the highest in the world - 20%
of all the pollution in the world comes from the US.
The per capita emissions are 22 tonnes or 20 tonnes
per person of CO2. So, what is the point of negotiating
amongst us, if US is not on board; and if the US is
willing to come on board, it is only reasonable; for,
the US is saying that it is for India and China also
to come the table; we are not wanting you to be away;
we are saying that let us have a new agreement and let
us then, look at all these things afresh.
So, my only response to the US was this - has India
ever asked you to come on board? I said, I never ever
at any stage asked you to come on board; you are a sovereign
country; you are entitled to take your own decisions;
if you want to come on board, you should come on board;
if you do not want to, you are welcome, not to. It is
not India's condition that you should come on board.
If India is not putting any conditions on you, why should
you put conditions on us?
So, he said, we will not come on board. The EU at this
point in time, decided that they cannot go back home
without the US on board. So, they told the US, how can
you do this? You have to come on board! They said, no,
you have to come on board; there is the US Congress
and the US Congress is telling that if India and China
do not join, we will start it; there is a possibility
of sanctions; President Bush does not want that. I said,
that again is a sovereign decision! It has nothing to
do with India; if you want to impose sanctions, you
can impose sanctions! What you do is your business!
Please allow us to do our business!
So, when they realized that they could not bargain,
it is then that the EU pressured the US, whether India
and China makes commitments or not, you cannot run away
from the negotiations. So, we were able to actually
split.
Ultimately, to cut the long story short, when I moved
that amendment, EU was the first to support it. So,
the US was isolated; the Europeans could go back home
and say that we brought the US on board. The US went
home and said that we came on board, but we gave no
quantitative commitments! India and China came away
and said that the old Framework continues!
But the sad part is that what was happening was in
the nature of a corporate battle, in a board room! The
attempt was to set the agenda for the future. Nobody
was talking about the enormous challenge that is ahead
on account of global warming. The corporate agenda was
sought to be set for political and economic considerations,
not for shareholder value. That is the sad part.
The fact of the matter is that as we talk, the levels
of emissions of the very countries who wanted a new
agreement are far beyond, much more than they committed
to - in fact, today in the countries like Portugal and
other EU countries, the emission levels are much higher
than when they agreed on Kyoto. They are increasing.
I went to Australia the other day. The Australian per
capita emissions are 24 tonnes. They were one of the
biggest protagonists of climate change and global warming,
because the emissions cannot be reduced; it is because
their lifestyles cannot change. If your town planning
structures are such that you live in the suburban areas
and drive 100 miles to your place of work, that cannot
change. The whole town planning exercise in the entire
West is entirely different.
Their idea was to get India and China on board, make
them give commitments, pressurize them, take advantage
of the enormous economic opportunities, use the markets
and make Indian and Chinese industries even more non-competitive!
This was their objective.
We were lucky to get away with that. But the fact of
the matter is that we only were able to buy time.
There were also, on the sidelines, meetings of the
Finance Ministers. Their objective now is going to be,
both at the G-8 - this is my fear - to start talking
about non-tariff barriers. In other words, they want
to try and achieve the objective through the other route,
because they know that till 2009, nothing is going to
happen. Since the old Framework continues, and we have
not allowed that to change, post-2009 also, nothing
much will happen, even after Copenhagen.
With the report of the adhoc Working Group which tells
us what is going to happen post-2009, and with the figures
that will emerge of their increasing emissions, it will
be difficult for the Western world in Copenhagen to
set any agenda for us. They know that. So, they will
try all kinds of things and we have to be careful on
these issues. We need therefore to ensure that we start,
in India, giving to our industry, incentives, appropriate
policy frameworks and an environment in which they can
adopt and adapt green technologies so that they have
a level playing field, when we come to a stage when
we cannot resist the pressure.
That should be our policy objective. The fact of the
matter is that global warming is a very serious issue.
The fact of the matter is that if you really look at
the Planet Earth, you have what is called an area between
the surface of the Earth and seven miles above the surface,
called the Troposphere and it is only the bottom one-third
of the Troposphere that has oxygen and the rest of it
does not even have oxygen. So, the global community
lives on the oxygen at the bottom one-third of the Troposphere
which is only seven miles from the surface of the Earth.
If the level of CO2 were to be 1% of the atmosphere,
the average global temperature would be boiling point!
So, this is a very serious issue and all of us must
realize that.
Secondly, the whole debate has now started revolving
around coal technologies, because nobody is willing
to give up coal. That is the other part of the politics,
which you must understand. When I was in Australia -
I can share this with you - a substantial part of our
dialogue with the Australians was that why does not
India adopt clean coal technologies?
The fact of the matter is that the maximum amount of
coal is in China, India, Australia and the USA. They
all realize that in the ultimate analysis, they cannot
go out of it - till there are alternative sources of
energy, they have to rely upon coal. So, they are not
talking about coal sequestration. They are talking about
liquefaction of coal technologies; they are talking
about gasification of the technology; that is, you gasify
the coal on the bowls of the Earth, take the gas, leave
CO2 and use it as energy; you have liquefaction technology
which is applicable in South Africa. Now, they are talking
about sequestration; that is, in other words, you use
the coal and from the plants, you take the coal and
send it through pipelines, to the remote parts of the
country and put it deep in the bowls of the Earth to
sequester there. The fact of the matter is that these
are all exceptionally expensive technologies. For the
developing world, we cannot afford those technologies
and there are technologies 15-20 years down the road.
In the meantime, we need to use that coal for our energy,
because we have hydro-electric capacities, to generate
energy from hydro-electric plants - it is limited, because
most of the rivers are in the North West and in the
north east; and you have certain considerations which
I need not talk about here, in the north east. We need
to have international agreements with countries across
the border to set up those dams, for the purposes of
generation of electricity. So, our opportunity to increase
our electricity generation exponentially is limited
in the hydro sector.
We do not have much oil reserves in any case; 70% is
what we import and I dare say that the price of a barrel
of oil is going to increase beyond $100. I said six
months ago that it will touch $100; nobody believed
me. But it touched $100; and it is going to go beyond.
We are seeing already the bottom of the barrel of oil.
That is not a resource that is going to be available.
To carry gas from pipelines, from across the border
is another very difficult and daunting task. We do not
have enough gas reserves in India to meet the increasing
demands. The debate on nuclear technology is, as you
know how difficult that proposition is.
From any standpoint that is the situation. Wind power
is only 4%. At this point, our energy requirements are
like that. If we have a 135 lakh MW of generation today,
in 2020, the requirement would be 448,000 MW. By 2030,
it will be 1 million MW. So, if a country has to continue
to grow at a GDP rate of 9-10%, then your energy demands
will have to be met. This huge gap cannot be covered
by the resources that you have and so, you need to look
at coal. But the fact of the matter is that nobody will
allow you to use that coal. The international pressure
will be enormous. If they cannot get it through these
negotiations, they will try and get it through another
way.
So, we need, as a nation, to really start thinking
about quick solutions. The quicker we put in place a
mechanism and a policy framework, it is better. I can
tell you that the answers are not going to come from
Bali or are not going to come from Copenhagen. The answers
are going to come through technologies. The solution
will be from technologies - solar energy, photo-voltaic,
thin glass energy, bio-mass, solid wastes, bio-materials,
cell technologies, etc. The investments in S&T,
they are going to bring the answers for energy; the
quicker we realize, as a nation, that that is the way
forward, the quicker we will allow our industry to be
competitive in the future and the more laggard we are
at decision making, the more difficult it would be for
entrepreneurs and the industrialists in this country.
Unfortunately, I must say that as a nation we are not
thinking in those terms. Therefore, I do not really
give much significance for what was said; I thank Ghosh
for what he said, but I do not really give much significance
to our scenic victory. This is a temporary respite that
we have achieved in the larger context.
Our victory will only come when we are able to give
to our consumers, electricity at cheap prices through
clean sources of energy which are limitless. That will
be the real victory both for climate change and for
the people of this country! That is where we need to
go.
The fact of the matter is this - a very prominent environmentalist
in Japan once said that we are beginning to hear the
groaning of this tortured Planet. He said this many
years ago - we are beginning to hear the groaning of
this tortured Planet. We must understand that if we
consider this Planet our home, we need to change not
the Planet but ourselves.
That is what we need to change - we need to change
the way we think, the way we live, the way we interact,
the way we plan our cities, emphasis on public transportation,
etc. This is the way we need to go. We do not inherit
this Planet from our ancestors; we borrow it from our
children. This is not our personal property; this is
an asset that we devolve. I always say, when I go somewhere,
that these are family jewels - coal ultimately is a
family jewel. It takes millions and billions of years
to have seams of coal in the bowls of the Earth - billions
of years. How does it happen? It is very simple. Little
leaves fall; trees falls; millions of years pass; the
trees on the bowls of the Earth, the oxygen from the
trees gets taken out; it turns black and over millions
of years, it becomes coal. The hardest coal of all is
anthracite. Then, of course, we have little jewelry
for women, who had diamonds, which is another form of
coal. But that comes through nature, with billions of
years. We want to destroy that resource and put it into
the atmosphere in 200 Years! How will nature tolerate
it! The nature cannot tolerate it.
Imagine, what nature has done! At every stage to make
coal, it has done what we want to do in the world and
in the 21st century - value addition.
What are the mantras for the 21st century? For everything
that you do, you must add value. The nature has done
it for you - from leaves to trees, to carbon, to anthracite,
to diamond. It is a natural process. No man made interventions.
If nature adds value, why do you want to destroy that
value in 200 years? There is enough on Earth for every
man's needs, as Mahatma said, but not for every man's
greed. So, we must think differently, with changed mind
sets. Do not follow the western patterns of planning
and systems. We need to look at our own traditions,
the way we lived, etc.
Ghosh will tell you; he had done enormously studies.
Incidentally, it is the foundation stones. If the four
building blocks of the UNFCCC, what I said, the four
building blocks were our bureaucrats, who did remarkable
work, he will tell you, how lifestyles of Indians in
India are naturally sustainable. Our levels of emissions
are just about 1 tonne per capita in India, as opposed
to the world average of 4 tonnes. We need to move along
with that.
So, thank you very much for this wonderful opportunity
to share some of my thoughts.
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